Trashed in Tokyo

Back from Tokyo and the International Film Festival, where Trashed won a Special Jury prize, and the Audience Award went to a Japanese film: Flashback Memories in 3D. Another labour of love, Flashback Memories tells the real story, through old videos and song, of Goma – traveller, husband, father and musician – who woke up after a car crash thinking that he was a painter.

Looking at old photos, he couldn’t remember who the people in them were, or why he was smiling. His post-accident diary confessed that he often wanted to give up. But Goma still loves, still laughs, and, because he retains what he calls body memory, still plays live, with his band. The fact that he plays the didgeridoo – an instrument which, in amateur hands, sounds like someone blowing raspberries into a sink – is another education. Japanese business men were watching, transported, as this ancient pipe became a pulsing condenser of power, reaching out – literally, thanks to the 3D – into the audience: a clarion call to hope, and creation.

And yet chances were that Goma, who now paints too, would not even remember collecting his award. Existentialism has never seemed so attractive. It made you wonder who, or what, you would think you were, if memory were suddenly wiped.

Then there was Tokyo itself: a collective, quiet memory of the earthquake last year. Bafflingly, most of the signs and announcements are in a combination of Japanese and English, even though you are often the only Westerner on the metro, or on the street. “There was a mass exodus” explained a jolly woman from Manchester. “Before the earthquake, it was very mixed – almost fifty-fifty”. Now, as things stand, it’s surreal, as if London had added tube stations in Cyrillic, or Cornwall had started announcing bus stops in Farsi.

But then, no-one could really work out how much English the Japanese generally speak. “Hardly any” Japanese people would say, cheerfully, and fluently. “I am learning English at university” said one of the festival’s delightful attendants, proudly directing me to the current page of her university text book. “I want to talk to people around the world”. Her book turned out to consist of helpful phrases. “I am sorry, we no longer have that collar size in stock” I read. “Please let me order more”.

Everyone had said that Tokyo would be a culture shock, but hardly. A culture shock, coming from London, is Calcutta, or Manchester. Tokyo, on the other hand, is an utterly charming, delicate version of a Western city; its trucks in shades of bright orange and blue; its street cleaners wielding wooden besoms like public spirited witches. Its version of the London Eye – a towering ferris wheel – is endearingly spindly. The Fuji television HQ boasts a giant golden ball in the middle of its walkways, as if a reformed Bond villain had somehow been involved in the design.

All of which is quite enough to make you instantly want to live there. But there are plenty more marvellous buildings – a vast, jaunty barber’s pole, a twiddly alien tower, an imposing, but wonderfully merry, Buddhist shrine, where laughing visitors smother themselves in incense smoke (good for health) while rows of tiny stalls, dating back to Samurai times, sell you cakes stamped from antique metal presses. The one vaguely stern construction – the NY-esque skyscraper in Roppongi  – just makes you question the sanity of anyone who would stand, 42 floors up, drinking iced tea in an earthquake zone. You could feel the thing swaying, as you backed away from the windows. “Are you scared?” asked a few rather more macho film-makers, in disbelief.

And in between all this, more films. Michael J Rix’s Accession: a genius, visceral look at ignorance and despair in South Africa. Himself He Cooks: a stunning, spicy, moving, human meditation of a film, which follows volunteers in the Golden Temple of Amritsar as they make free food for a hundred thousand people, every day. And, of course, the sold-out screenings of Trashed where, in the Q&A sessions afterwards, Japanese audiences would valiantly get to grips with the horrific reality of our waste. Some people launched into lengthy speeches; some people just said ‘thank you for making this’; almost everyone got engaged, passionate, concerned. It felt like a catharsis, in fact.

But then, people are getting sick of – as well as sick from – our rubbish. Practically everything in Tokyo comes wrapped in plastic – you almost expect to be cling-filmed yourself, if you stand still for too long. As you walk through the city, you leave a little toxic trail behind you – plastic tops, milk containers, sugar tubes, cake wrappings, tube passes, water bottles. It makes you imagine what the place would look like if your consumption wasn’t solid, but still oil. It makes you think that milk used to be in jugs, sugar in bowls, water in taps, cakes in paper bags. It makes you go slightly insane, before deciding on black coffee and ice cream instead. And in this respect, of course, Japan is no different to anywhere else in the world.

I ended up, on my last day of exploring the back streets, in a small cafe, whose owner rescued small, abandoned dogs. He was delighted by the chance to speak English and took off the Stone Roses album he was playing to showcase some Japanese music. “Do you know about the earthquake?” someone had asked me, at the second screening of Trashed. “You say dioxins take generations to be removed from the environment: do you know that radiation takes a hundred thousand years?”

Only one other person had mentioned Fukushima. The Tokyo Occupy movement, which had mounted large scale protests against nuclear power, had gone unreported: people went curiously silent when Occupy was mentioned – preoccupied, perhaps. And who wants to make a point, in the face of such an immediate and ongoing tragedy? The common factor, I had replied, eventually, was that there was too much poison out there already. As the scientists in the film were saying, we had to stop adding more. There was a pause, and then a powerful, low, communal murmur of agreement.

In the cafe, the Japanese band were singing about a previous earthquake, which had devastated Osaka. Two other customers were fussing over a rescued poodle, while a chihuahua growled at me from beneath their seats. One of the films I had yet to see was called Facing Animals: the director, Jan Van Ijken, had managed, after years, to get factory farms to let him install cameras into animals’ cages. The result was a view of humans from the animals’ point of view, and a trailer which had had me in tears within seconds. “Everything is sad” sang the band. “Everything is so sad/That it’s being laughed away, on a dry winter morning.”

Out on the streets, it was a glorious autumn afternoon. I made my way back through the Tokyo subway, a system so convoluted that the map looks like a spider has painted a kanji, and began packing for the flight. Which, as I knew, would involve not only countless tonnes of carbon (I plant trees), but also plastic being handed out like confetti – cups, cutlery, headphone bags, blanket bags, more cups, straws, cocktail sticks. Across the skies, hundreds of thousands of people would be experiencing the same thing, as if a mad scientist had looked at travel and thought ‘how can I make it even more rubbish?’ Below us, billions of people would be obediently following suit, without the excuse of being tied into a seat, although it’s a convenient enough metaphor. If I ever flew long distance again, I promised myself, I would bring my own provisions. Better still, the airline boards would watch Trashed, and change their policies.

Because rather than throw everything away, like so many unwanted memories, we can make everything recyclable or best, reusable, and that’s the pity and the shame of it. But it’s also, one realises, the hope.

Who Profits? - witnessing the eviction of Dale Farm

It was a terrible thing. It had pranced and preened in front of the press, and it was dutifully followed by the knives of the UK tabloids and the truth-pinching of some of the broadsheets, and the beastliness of the local paper, the Basildon Echo. And, as the residents of Dale Farm walked with wrenching dignity away from their homes, the mindset which evicted them was still trying to hold centre stage.

You could see the mindset, as you walked out of the UK's largest traveller site, down the ranks of riot police and the lines of bailiffs, some of them shoving their cameras into the faces of the elderly as they tried to make their way through the gauntlet. You could hear it, in the triumphant speeches of the local councillors, who were standing, arms folded, at the entrance. But you could not feel it, not inside that procession, with the Dale Farm supporters linking arms in the middle, surrounded by a protective ring of residents who were walking, heads held high, in silence, into an unknown future.

You would not have guessed, from the mass of press jostling for position in front of them, that the image which would be used by almost every mainstream outlet the next day would be an anodyne shot of a group of people walking towards a camera in the sun. It was Thursday 20th October when the mindset which had set out to evict the residents of Dale Farm finally got what it wanted, among scenes to make humans weep. And shortly afterwards it stripped off to reveal itself not as just racism, or ethnic cleansing - of course not - but a financial scam. After years of telling the taxpayer that this was going to cost us fictional and unexplained millions, Basildon Council leader Tony Ball confirmed that this was, actually, a land grab. "We will be pursuing the costs so at least some public money can be recovered, and we would say that includes land" he said. (1) You pay your money; Basildon Council end up with the prize.

And the residents of Dale Farm end up homeless. "They're travellers, so why don't they travel?" quite intelligent people are still asking, bustling past the tasering, the tears, the riot police; the shame of it. It seems it needs repeating: the residents, like most travellers in the UK, have nowhere legal to go. Ever since the then Home Secretary Michael Howard removed the duty on councils to provide suitable stopping sites, thousands of families have been doomed to live perpetually on the move. "They were offered alternative accomodation" is one of the main lies about the Dale Farm residents: a very few were offered temporary housing. "They were offered alternative land" lies Richard Littlejohn in the Sun: the council had been offered land by the Homes and Communities Agency but had rejected it and withdrawn from further discussion.

Ten years ago the residents of Dale Farm had tried to break the Conservative curse by buying a deserted old scrapyard and transforming it into a site for mobile caravans. Around half had planning permission; the rest did not. It was on these grounds that the eviction went ahead - "but does this look like a planning issue to you?" asked a supporter at the site on Wednesday. In front of him the riot police were changing shift. Two helicopters droned overhead. Collapsed walls and fences testified to the police invasion that morning when, before it got light, they broke through a back fence with a battering ram, tasering two of the site's supporters in the process.

The Dale Farm residents are mainly women - their men often die young and, for the older generation particularly, their men were the people with driving licences. Many of them cannot, therefore, physically travel. It was the women and children who suffered most when the police smashed their way down through the site, ignoring the open gates and the open pathway. One was taken to hospital with a "crush fracture" of a vertebrae: when she came back she had the hospital report to prove it. There were "claims" that residents had been hurt, the broadsheets had reported. "A minor back injury" the tabloids had confirmed. "My wife's back is broken and you did it" her tormented husband was saying later, to the lines of unmoving police. "How would you feel?" The police who, in between their inhuman orders, had been as decent as they were allowed to be, stayed silent.  "I will never ever forget the children screaming" said a legal observer, a former teacher. "There are some things you don't forget". 

The tabloids have reported that the police were met with bricks and other missiles, after which they tasered people; in fact the sequence was almost precisely the other way round. "But the protestors didn't expect the police to come round the back" chortled the Mail. The supporters, who had helped the residents blockade the front gate, had not expected it. Evictions are legally meant to be led by bailiffs, not by riot police, which is why someone who builds an illegal extension has not, up until now, had to fear being electrocuted in his own back garden. In this case the police were, they said, concerned that people were stockpiling weapons: bricks were mentioned. "Yes, look around" said another supporter. "These are weapons - cunningly disguised weapons, built in the form of walls, admittedly".

But there were bricks lying around all over the site and, halfway through Wednesday, the riot police marching through were met by about ten of them; the flashpoint, apart from the adrenalin left over from the morning, remained unclear. There had been no violence for the month that the supporters had been there, or before. In this case, as tensions ratcheted up, and screams could be heard from the front gate, a few masked boys seemed to be responsible: the police, behind full body shields, looked untroubled, and the main danger was for anyone standing nearby. "Lads, lads" expostulated one of the residents. "Stop this; you're doing no-one any good". They stopped. 


Much has been made over the mixture of supporters and residents. Both have been demonised - the residents "all have houses in Ireland"; they are thieves, dole-scroungers, and bad neighbours. In the face of this, Roxy Freeman, a Dale Farm resident writing in the Guardian, was ready to believe a poll on the Sky news website on Wednesday, which seemed to show that 90 percent of the people supported the eviction. She was not alone, but the fact that only ten people may have voted in the poll (no figures are given) does not seem to have crossed anyone's mind. "What's going on there, what's happening to those people is disgusting"; a neighbour had said that morning. "We think it's wrong, anyway" she had added, defiantly. "I don't understand it" one of the local taxi-drivers had said. "Why are they doing this? I pick up from there, no problem".

Meanwhile the supporters were violent extremists, professional protestors, privileged rich kids and  dole-scroungers, univited and dangerous. In fact, most of them were young; the rest were parents, nurses, academics: some had supported other human rights causes for which, one supposes, they can be blamed. "We invited you here" a Dale Farm resident was saying to them, in the emergency meeting on Thursday afternoon. "We've lived with ye, and we've grown to love ye like family. You have done all this for us and we can't bear to see you hurt anymore. We've bonded with ye, and we'll never forget what you've done for us. But it's time for this to stop".




NOTES

1.http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/travellers-face-losing-land-to-pay-court-costs-2373802.html


BULLDOZE THE LOT OF THEM

In her immaculate mobile home, greyed and worn down by years of threats and uncertainty, she looked like a left-over cobweb. The doctor had put her on anti-depressants but they weren't working. She was not, merely, depressed. She was very frightened. What she needed was a society which did not allow the bullies and the cowards, the self-righteous and the violent, their own way. What she got was pills.

"Do you really think they'll come for us?" asked her grandson, a bright-haired boy of about eleven. She looked at him, and her shoulders straightened. "No, no" she said, reassuringly.

It was almost exactly a year ago at Dale Farm, the small Irish traveller enclave huddled in the heart of Essex. I had gone to help its residents fill out legal forms: at the time, Basildon Council were determined to go ahead with a forced eviction of some eighty traveller families, despite the fact that it would cost the taxpayer up to £18 million. The council had rejected the Homes and Counties Agency's offer of alternative land, despite the fact that the families had offered to move there, and despite the fact that it would have cost a fraction of the budget. Shortly afterwards, the Dale Farm support group would produce a website which substituted the word 'traveller' or 'gypsy' for Jew. "Italy starts controversial plan to fingerprint Jews". "Sarkozy orders Jews expelled from France" were among the results.

I went to Dale Farm prepared for trouble. Police had been documenting visitors, a sympathetic photographer filming a traveller wedding had had her camera seized by the Met; internet groups supporting the travellers were being monitored. "I bet you were scared, coming here" said one of the site's few old men (male travellers are lucky if they live until fifty). He meant, I realised, after a blink, scared of the residents.

Across the way, three buxom middle-aged ladies were making tea and reminiscing about love, and the days when they could afford life on the road. Down the lane, daughters and granddaughters were cleaning the home of Dale Farm's matriarch; an upright, dignified person who could no longer travel either; her husband, who had the driving licence, was long dead. Her ancient dog was scratching around the pathways in the early autumn sun; children were playing everywhere, as you do when there are no cars around; a nun smiled at me as I walked past. Everyone seemed to be related to everyone else: the whole place had the peaceful, surreal atmosphere of a village in the 1920's, or the furthest reaches of the Donegal Gaeltacht. And then, there were the bailiffs. "I'm so worried for the baby" said a young, roundly pregnant woman in one caravan. "Do you really think they'll come?"

A year later, after a tortuous decade of false alarms, it seems that they're finally coming. This Monday, Constant & Co, a firm of bailiffs whose name is frequently preceeded by the words 'violent' and brutal', are being paid millions to get rid of around 80 Dale Farm families, whose mobile homes are on land they own themselves. They last evicted a group of seven traveller families from a small site down the road. According to current legend the eviction went off 'peacefully', but this hardly describes the terror and despair felt by the families as their homes were bulldozed without warning; nor their experience of being turned out onto the road with nowhere to go, moved on by the police throughout the night whenever they attempted to stop. A few of Dale Farm's most vulnerable residents had been offered 'alternative accomodation'; not with anyone they know, but in small, isolated brick blocks: "How could I leave my family? It would kill me" they all say.

What must Constant & Co's employees be thinking, as they ready their bulldozers for Monday? If they've been reading the Daily Mail, they're preparing to face a group of aggressive, anti-social users, many of whom have luxury homes elsewhere, together with a group of 'violent anarchists' preparing to throw rocks at them. Yeah, right, says anyone with experience of the 'violent anarchists' from Climate Camp and UK Uncut, who've gone to support Dale Farm with their vegan kitchen and welcome packs and commitment to non-violence. And "what are they on?" anyone with any knowledge of the plight of UK travellers would add. Already, thousands have nowhere legal to stop, now that councils no longer have a duty to provide sites. As a result they are doomed to an exhausting, mindless game of chase, while their children miss school and life, and their men die early of the stress.

 "Bulldoze the lot" urge the comments underneath the Mail's lurid fantasies. "They have to leave to get food SOME time...Just arrest them when they do and don't let them back in... When the last one finally comes out, torch the place." Comments on the New Statesman are somewhat more illuminating. "We would all like to buy a field at a rock bottom price and build an estate for all of our friends and family and not pay tax, or utilities - would we get away with it? Of course not!"

Driving away from Dale Farm, down the long, wide road which leads out of Basildon, the traffic slowed enough for me to watch an old woman, dressed in shabby navy, advancing along the deserted pavement and towards her house. She was carrying a small plastic bag, which obviously held enough food for one person. As she arthritically pulled out her front door key, I thought of the women of Dale Farm, surrounded by their children and grandchildren, and cousins and uncles and aunts and friends. Only a third of UK adults describe themselves as 'prejudiced against' travellers and gypsies; it seems to me that in our fragmented, modern, painfully constricted society, with our bricked in families and self-imposed isolation, what they really mean is 'jealous of'. But then jealousy has always been one of the most destructive of all emotions.

 

DALE FARM SUPPORT SITE

http://dalefarm.wordpress.com/

 BACKGROUND TO DALE FARM:

 http://www.corporatewatch.org/?lid=3454

 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-2037525/Dale-Farm-eviction-The-UN-travellers-abuse-power.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2033765/Dale-Farm-eviction-Travellers-gear-defend-illegal-site-receiving-eviction-notice.html

 Eviction: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pqK8ftNke0o&feature=player_embedded#!

All Journalists are Scum

So News International began its promised revenge on New Labour. “You have made it personal about Rebekah, so we'll make it personal about you" an aide to Ed Miliband was told, and immediately afterwards the Sun accused Miliband’s own spin/lie doctor, a former Times journalist, of a long-term coke habit. It seems that all the rest of us can do is sit back and put the verbal boot in.


“Journalists” said someone yesterday, with real loathing, “they’re all scum”. He could have been in an office, or on a bus, or at an alternative media gathering, and wherever, he was not alone. The Guardian may be trumpeting its achievement in breaking the phone hacking story, but it’s a tune that’s noticeably failing to impress most of the population. Journalism has long been among the most distrusted of professions; coming third only to bankers and politicians in a UK survey last year: the behaviour of the News of the World may be a shock to the abused families of the victims, but to everyone else it’s just what you’d expect from a bunch of – “tossers” said the man on the street, venomously.

In fact, providing the public with new reasons to hate journalists may be one of Rupert Murdoch’s greatest achievements. In the current climate it’s pointless to repeat that journalism’s purpose is to “afflict the comfortable and comfort the afflicted”.  It’s useless to point out that journalism, as the line goes, is “anything that the rich and powerful don’t want you to know about”, irrelevant to cite Watergate, My Lai, Abu Ghraib, PFI and ‘extraordinary rendition’ as scoops. To argue that the News of the World – along with the Sun, the Mail, the Express et al – are rarely journalists, but are largely obeying orders to act as renegade spies, snoops, voyeurs and hatemongers, gets you nowhere. The public, who do not read the Guardian, have had their prejudice confirmed, again.

For someone who eschewed the mainstream after it failed to show any interest in the true nature of the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, it’s not hard to see why this point of view is so entrenched. As government lies were recycled by just about all news outlets it was easy to believe that journalism had suffered a collective breakdown – attributable, variously, to lack of moral fibre, ignorance, incompetence, gullibility, and corporate power. It was certainly evidence of a cognitive dissonance which anyone who remembered the miners’ strike would have recognised.  As the statue of Saddam Hussein was pulled down on the micro-managed stage of an otherwise devastated Baghdad, I was with a group of careworkers, their expressions redolent of extreme disbelief amounting to indifference. “They’re lying”, their shoulders shrugged. “They always have and they always will”.

Murdoch had, of course, supported the Iraq invasion because it would bring down the price of oil. The BBC, ITV and most of our national print media had, for reasons of their own, followed suit, while local papers, owned by Murdoch’s Newsquest, fell into line. The careworkers knew this, even though they did not “know” it: polls repeatedly showed that around 70 percent of the country shared this common sense. And yet, all around them, the front pages and the tv headlines were displaying an insanity. No wonder that the small triumphs of journalism – a protesting letter from ex-diplomats in the Guardian; Piers Morgan’s brief anti-war tenure at the Mirror - largely went unnoticed.

And if they were noticed by the rest of the press, the diplomats were reviled as ‘camel humpers’, while there was a stunning silence about the supposed scandal which cost Morgan his job at the Mirror. This was the leaked images of UK involvement in the torture of Iraqi detainees, whic were said to be faked, although the story itself was true. Morgan’s own biography makes no mention of the pressures which caused him to leave quietly, rather than fight his corner. But the Sun was after him. Looking at the white, sweating picture of Miliband’s aide which adorns the front page of that paper, one can only be surprised that Murdoch’s vested interests allowed Morgan to remain for so long.

Otherwise, the thought that blackmail, fear, spying and coercion keep our establishment figures in line is hardly news. Stories of potentially troublesome MP’s being called in by MI5 and shown their secret dossier are old. John Major’s possession of a ‘little black book’ full of MP’s secrets, with which he silenced unruly party members when a party whip (the language here is surely instructive) is well documented. “What do they have on Miliband?” everyone is now asking. “What do they have on Cameron? On Clegg? On Farage? On Murdoch? What do they have on me?”

And the last question is naturally the most pressing.  The spying on celebrities failed to raise much more than a “well, they’re fair game”; the hacking of politicians ditto. But the spying on ‘normal’ people has understandably served to reinforce something which one could call public paranoia, if public paranoia were not so plainly justified. We are living in a country where local councils can now legally tap your phone. Employers search with impunity through staff facebooks. Children are fingerprinted and filmed. The public are turned into apparatchicks: signs on trains urge passengers to text in anonymously and report fare dodgers; announcements constantly insist that we must report anything ‘suspicious’, even though the last suspicious atrocity here happened six years ago.

And this is the shame, and Murdoch’s triumph, and that of others like him; that journalism is now publicly seen as just another part of this iniquitous surveillance state; not merely a provider of its propaganda. Still, tapping into Millie Dowler’s phone was criminal; failing to act as the voice of the voiceless is another sort of crime: a criminal dereliction of a duty.

It is easy to say that a populist tabloid culture has fostered this dereliction: the press savaging the workers who buy it, and who deserve nothing better. But journalism has a populist heritage which stretches back at least to 1817, and the Leeds Mercury’s revelation that the UK government were using agent provocateurs at marches. Ironically, it was the Mail which revealed that an undercover policeman was acting as an agent provocateur at the march against the last Bush visit -  a writer had managed to sneak her report into the Femail section. That story has since vanished from the Mail’s website; but when Steve Coogan adds furious condemnation of the paper to Hugh Grant’s stance against the News of the World, he is speaking for journalists, not against them.

There are basic rules for journalists. You don’t go after people for being human and having a private life. You don’t act as the mouthpiece for power. You don’t betray trust. You check facts. And, alongside people like Michelle Stanistreet, who took her own paper, the Express, to the PCC, and is now president of the NUJ; Nick Davies; the Independent’s Johann Hari and Simon Carr; documentary maker Adam Curtis, and some others, we now have the ‘alternative’ press; otherwise known as the digital media.

From Common Dreams to Open Democracy, Counterpunch to Corporate Watch, the Daily Mash to the Onion: either the pressure of unheard voices is becoming too intense to ignore, or the public genuinely want facts. It is, of course, tempting to point out that most of the public don’t read these internet sites, just as they don’t read the Guardian, or Private Eye. But their words and images, through twitter and email and facebook, are still spreading, just as they did when the ‘Poor Man’s Guardian’ (no relation) was sold illegally on the streets of nineteenth century Manchester.  Visionontv currently has video journalists (they call themselves activists, possibly in self defence) operating in Liverpool, London and internationally; the tradition is being reinvented, as it must be, to keep it alive.

“Scum”, the man on the street was repeating, to general agreement. And, in a sense, he was right. All journalists are scum: the froth which floats to the top of a putrid stew, and signals its true nature. The Fourth Estate, originally designated as the protector of the people, should be proud of it.

 

 

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